王小龙大使在“外交圈”演讲—世界变局中的中国外交政策与中新关系

尊敬的纳森·盖伊主席，

科普兰先生，

玛蒂和丹，

各位来宾，

女士们、先生们、朋友们，

Hon Nathan Guy,

Mr Terry Copeland,

Maty and Dan,

Distinguished Guests,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Dear Friends,

大家好！

Kia ora!

很高兴受邀到“外交圈”与大家就“中国的外交政策和中新关系”这一主题进行交流。坦率讲，当下可能不是谈论外交政策的最好时候，但却是我们最需要讨论外交政策的时候。原因在于我们所处的世界正在经历深刻、迅猛、巨大的变化。

It is my pleasure to speak at Diplosphere and share with you my perspectives on China’s foreign policy and China-New Zealand relationship.

 Frankly, now is not the best time to talk about foreign policy. Yet, more than ever, we need discourses like this, as the world we live in is undergoing profound, rapid, and dramatic transformations.

在我此前的外交生涯中，很长一段时间都在从事亚太经合组织（AEPC）、二十国集团（G20）等多边经济合作领域的相关工作。这些平台，回顾起来，可说是经济全球化巅峰时期的产物。冷战结束后，世界进入了一段相对和平、繁荣发展的“黄金时期”，合作、开放、一体化成为潮流，推动了全球贸易和经济高速增长，中国和全球数以亿计的人口得以摆脱贫困。然而，接踵而至的亚洲金融危机、全球金融危给全球化按下暂停键，市场开放融合的趋势遭遇回头浪，出现了反全球化乃至逆全球化逆流。

Earlier in my diplomatic career, I devoted a significant part of my time to international economic cooperation, focusing on initiatives like APEC and the G20, both of which were born and came to preeminence in the course of, looking back, arguably peak economic globalization. When the Cold War ended, the world embraced a seemingly goldilocks period of peace and prosperity, when cooperation, market-opening and integration took center stage, fueling rapid growth in global trade and the economy, and lifting hundreds of millions of people in China and across the world out of poverty. However, the Asian financial crisis and the subsequent global financial crisis threw globalization into suspended animation and then largely into reverse, setting the stage for the rise of anti and even de-globalization.

这一趋势演变到今天，我们看到保护主义、脱钩断链和新的霸权主义不断上升。颇具讽刺意味的是，那些原本大力倡导全球化的国家，如今却愈发成为保护主义和毁约退群的主要力量。我们几十年来的熟悉的世界发生颠覆，进入了不确定性和不可预测性上升的动荡时期。不确定性似乎已成为当前世界最大的确定性之一。

Today, we are witnessing a surge in protectionism, economic decoupling, disruptions to global supply chains, and various forms of hegemonism. Paradoxically, the very nations that once championed globalization are these days leading the charge to build walls, erect protectionist barriers and exit from key international commitments. As a result, the world we have known for decades is being upended, and we are entering into an era of increased uncertainty, unpredictability and turbulence, when very often, the biggest certainty is uncertainty itself.

逆全球化究其原因，是现有全球治理体系及其相应制度安排滞后于世界的发展变化造成的，用老方法已越来越解决不了全球治理的新问题。其更深层次根源在于全球化和科技革新过程中一些国家内在矛盾的积累激化，及其所导致的不平衡和贫富悬殊。但逆全球化策略的实施，违背了社会历史发展的客观规律。如果大家都选择内顾、“筑墙”，那么多边贸易体系和其他多边治理体系将被弱化乃至瓦解，从而诱发“以邻为壑”的政策。这些政策曾将世界推向大萧条，并导致上世纪上半叶最具破坏性的战争。那样，世界很可能退回到弱肉强食的丛林法则时代，所有国家的利益都将受到损害，而相对较弱的社会群体和经济体不可避免会首当其冲。

A closer look reveals that the backlash against globalization stems largely from the growing mismatch between the evolving world and the mostly inert institutional backstop for global governance. Increasingly, the new challenges in international relations can no longer be addressed with the same old solutions. The deeper roots of anti-globalization, however, lie in the rise of tensions within countries as imbalances and inequalities are exacerbated in the process of globalization and technological change. But none of these can be resolved by turning back the wheels of history. If nations opt to turn inward and withdraw behind walls, the multilateral trading system and the broader architecture for global governance will wither and ultimately collapse. Such a scenario threatens to conjure up the spectre of beggar-thy-neighbour policies that condemned the world to the Great Depression followed by the most devastating war in human history in the first half of last century. In that case, the world will most likely regress to a state where “the law of the jungle” would again reign, when everyone will suffer, though vulnerable communities and economies will inevitably bear the brunt.

因此，尽管各国政治体制、社会理念、发展阶段等或许有很大不同，但我们生活在一个相互关系、命运与共的世界，在当前形势下，为了我们共同的世界、共同的未来，各国更应该加强合作、对话、沟通，优化全球治理，避免战略误判，共同应对世界变局带来的挑战。

Therefore, despite differences in political systems, social values, and stages of development, the shared realities of our interconnected world requires that we deepen cooperation and dialogue, strengthen global governance, and avoid strategic miscalculations. Only through these efforts can we collectively address the challenges of an ever-changing world.

作为国际社会的一员，国际和地区秩序坚定的维护者、建设者和贡献者以及全球供应链中重要一环，中国无法也不会试图“独善其身”。尽管我们没法预测其他国家将作何选择，但我们清楚自己要走的路。对中国来说，我们也在努力适应新形势、新变化及其带来的挑战。中国有句古话：以不变应万变。因此，今天我想讲的是中国的四个“没有变”且“不会变”，我们如何以此来应对中国外部环境中的变化，并为更广泛的国际社会在动荡不安中前行时提供更多的确定性。

China is steadfast in its commitment to strengthening cooperation among nations and upholding the global and regional order. Deeply embedded in the world, we cannot, and will not, seek development in isolation. While it is difficult to predict the actions of others, we are crystal clear about our own path forward. No doubt, like other countries, China is readying itself for the changes and the challenges they bring. And we are doing it largely by meeting change with no change, based on inspirations drawn from ancient Chinese philosophy: 以不变应万变.

Let me highlight four of the “ no changes” as anchors of certainty for not only ourselves but also, hopefully, the wider international community as we navigate this increasingly stormy and tumultuous world.  

第一，以中国式现代化全面推进中华民族伟大复兴的目标没有变，也不会变。

First and foremost, the central goal of advancing the rejuvenation of the nation through a distinct Chinese path to modernization has not changed and will not change.

不久前，中国共产党的二十届三中全会成功召开，再次重申中国进一步全面深化改革、推进中国式现代化的坚定决心。这反映了中国老百姓的心声。中国政府坚持以人民为中心，始终把改善人民生活、增进民生福祉作为一切工作的出发点和落脚点，不会因国际形势变化而有任何改变。尽管在实现这一目标的道路上面临不少内外挑战，但任凭风浪起，稳坐钓鱼船，中国有决心、有信心、有能力克服挑战、实现目标。

Earlier this year, the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held its third plenary session, reaffirming our unyielding commitment to promoting economic and social development through continued reform and opening up—an endeavor that reflects the hopes and aspirations of the Chinese people.

With a people-centered approach, the Chinese government remains laser-focused on growing the economy and improving people’s lives. This dedication will not waver, regardless of shifts in the international landscape. While we may face both internal and external headwinds, China is resolute, confident, and fully capable of overcoming these challenges to achieve its ultimate goal.

也就是说，中国的核心目标是做更好的自己，无意同任何国家比拼、竞争，不想取代任何国家，也不寻求支配地位或霸权。相反，中国以自身发展为世界带来巨大机遇：

In other words, China’s central objective is to become a better self, rather than to compete with or challenge other countries. We have no intention of unseating or replacing anyone, or seeking primacy or hegemony. 

On the contrary, the development of China offers opportunities to the rest of the world:

—作为全球经济的主要引擎，为全球增长做出重要贡献；

-- by contributing a significant part of global growth as a leading engine of the world economy;

—通过“一带一路”合作等倡议增强互联互通，其中最新的例子是刚刚完工并启用的秘鲁钱凯港；

-- by improving connectivity through such initiatives as Belt and Road Cooperation, the latest example of which is the newly completed and just opened Changay Port in Peru;

—通过引领向绿色低碳经济转型，助力全球应对气候变化；

-- by leading the transition towards a green, low-carbon economy to address the common challenge of Climate Change;

—通过持续、在许多情况下是单方面的市场开放，同世界其他国家分享中国发展的成果；

-- by continued, and in many cases, unilateral market opening to share with the rest of the world the fruits of China’s development; and

—通过促进全球南方共同崛起，维护国际体系平衡与稳定，增强全球治理公平性和有效性。

-- by contributing to the collective rise of the Global South, bringing greater balance and stability to the international system, and making global governance fairer and more effective.

第二，中国外交为以中国式现代化全面推进强国建设、民族复兴伟业营造更有利国际环境、提供更坚实战略支撑的中心任务没有变，也不会变。

Second, the central focus of China’s diplomacy—to create a favorable international environment for advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation — has not changed and will not change.

中国坚定不移地倡导平等有序的世界多极化和普惠包容的经济全球化、推动构建人类命运共同体的外交政策总目标没有变，也不会变。

The overarching goal of China’s foreign policy is to build a global community with a brighter shared future by promoting a just and orderly multipolar world and an inclusive and universally-beneficial globalization. This has not changed and will not change.

中国坚定站在和平一方，致力于维护世界和平与稳定。同许多国家一样，我们对乌克兰和加沙的局势深感关切，同时对战争日益成为一种可能且可接受的选择感到十分忧虑。正如《全球安全倡议》所提出的，中国提倡共同、综合、合作、可持续的安全观，坚持尊重各国主权、领土完整，坚持遵守联合国宪章所有宗旨和原则，重视所有国家合理安全关切，始终反对战争和动辄使用武力，主张通过对话协商和外交方式解决分歧与争端。

China stands firmly on the side of peace, and is committed to maintaining international peace and stability.Like many other countries, we are deeply concerned by what happens in Ukraine and Gaza, as well as the rising narrative on war as not only an increasingly likely and even more terrifying, also as an increasingly acceptable eventuality. 

As outlined in the Global Security Initiative, we advocate common, comprehensive, cooperative, and sustainable security, call for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations to be respected, all the purposes and principles of the UN Charter to be upheld, and the legitimate security concerns of all countries to be taken seriously. 

我们不赞同针对其他国家的排他性军事集团或联盟。历史反复证明，这样的集团或联盟不仅不会带来和平与安全，反而几乎总是导致更大的分裂、对抗，乃至冲突、战争。

We consistently oppose war and the arbitrary use of force in settling international disputes, and support the peaceful resolution of these disputes through dialogue and diplomacy.

We don’t believe in exclusive blocs or alliances targeted at other countries. As has been shown by history, rather than bring peace and security, such blocs or alliances almost always lead to greater divisiveness, confrontation and even conflict or war. 

在经济领域，尽管全球化有其缺陷，但它并未死亡，依然活跃。挑战是如何让全球化更加普惠包容，以使无论是在国内还是国际上，没有人会掉队。而这正是中国提出的《全球发展倡议》的主要内容，因而得到了广泛欢迎，尤其是为全球南方国家所欢迎。

On the economic front, globalization, for all its warts, is not dead. It is still very much alive and kicking. The challenge, of course, is to make it more inclusive so that no one, either within countries or internationally, will be left behind. That is the main thrust of our Global Development Initiative, which is broadly welcomed by particularly the Global South. 

目前，多边贸易体系正面临日益加剧的压力，有人说它已近崩溃，因为其规范性和裁决功能都几乎处于瘫痪状态。鉴于一些主要发达经济体转向去全球化的重商主义政策，无视对其他国家和世界经济的影响大搞“脱钩”和“筑墙”，这种局面在可预见的未来恐怕会更加糟糕。这是危险的，因为它将导致贸易和投资日益碎片化，降低效率、减少韧性、阻碍创新、削弱增长。最终，包括筑墙者在内所的有人得到的“蛋糕”都会变小。

Currently, the Multilateral Trading System is under increasing strains, some say to the breaking point, as both its normative and adjudicative functions are in a state of virtual paralysis. And most likely, the situation will get even worse before it gets better, if at all, given that some major developed economies are turning to mercantilist policies of decoupling and building high walls in utter disregard of the impact on other countries and the world economy. That is dangerous, as it will culminate in growing fragmentation of trade and investment, damaging efficiency, reducing resilience, impeding innovation, and weakening growth. At the end of the day, the cake will be smaller for everyone, including the wall builders.

对此，中国的选择不是关上大门，而是进一步扩大开放。例如，取消对制造业和银行业外资的所有限制，并为所有最不发达国家提供免配额、免关税的中国市场准入。中国正更加努力推动自由贸易，维护开放、基于规则、非歧视和可预测的多边贸易体系的完整性。同世界上大多数其他贸易伙伴一样，我们坚信公平、有效运作的多边贸易体系仍然符合所有国家的共同利益。

In response, instead of hunkering down behind closed doors, China chooses to open its doors even wider, for example, by lifting all restrictions on foreign investment in manufacturing and banking, and by granting all least developed countries quota-free and tariff-free access to the Chinese market.

We are also making more of an effort to promote free trade and safeguard the integrity of an open, rules-based, non-discriminatory and predictable Multilateral Trading System. We are doing this together with most other trading partners in the world, in the shared belief that a fair and functioning Multilateral Trading System is still in the interest of all countries and the world economy as a whole.

此外，中国正努力建立高标准自由贸易协定（FTA）网络，已同29个国家或地区签署了22项FTA，并正申请加入《全面与进步跨太平洋伙伴关系协定》（CPTPP）和《数字经济伙伴关系协定》（DEPA）。作为世界第二大经济体和一个日益成为创新中心的国家，中国的加入将增加这些平台在充满不确定性的世界中的影响力，并为其成员带来重要经贸利益。

On top of that, we are also reaching out to build a network of high-standard FTAs. We have already signed 22 such agreements with 29 countries or regions. We are working to add more to the list, including with our application to join CPTPP and DEPA. Being the second biggest economy and a growing epicenter for innovation, the accession of China will add to the heft of these platforms in an uncertain world and bring significant trading interests to their members.

我们生活在一个多元化且日益多极化的世界。无论喜欢与否，各国都需要共生共存、相互合作，而非将这个世界看作是“我们”与“他们”的对立，甚至视为“我们在他们之上”。作为相互依存的共同体，为实现和平共处，共迎挑战，我们需要有基本的行为规则及与之相应的制度架构。为此，中国支持真正的多边主义，支持以国际法为基础的国际秩序，以及以联合国为核心的国际体系。

We live in a diversified and largely already a multipolar world. Like it or not, we need to live and work with one another, rather than see this world in terms of a divide between us vs. them, or even worse, as us above them. This is imperative to keep the peace and to address the common challenges we face, like Climate Change.

For this to happen, as an interconnected community, we have to have some basic rules of the road and the institutional architecture for implementation and compliance. That is why China supports true multilateralism, the international order based on international law and the international system with UN at its center.

我并非尼尔·弗格森（Niall Ferguson）的拥趸，但认同他的一个观点：正像“神圣罗马帝国”既不“神圣”，也不“罗马”，亦非“帝国”一样，所谓的“自由国际秩序”既不自由、不国际，也难言有序。关键在于，这种秩序下的规则往往并未得到广泛认同，相反是由少数几个国家制定的，然后强加于其他国家。而这些规则制定者自己往往只是选择性地遵守这些规则，或者加以滥用，肆意扭曲。在这方面，有关世贸组织（WTO）、《巴黎协定》、国际刑事法院（ICC）和联合国（UN）等的例子不胜枚举。所谓基于规则的国际秩序，可以休矣！对于未来，我们的选择是明确的：尊重而非傲慢，合作而非对抗。除此之外别无他途。

I do not agree with Niall Ferguson very often. I think, however, he does have a point when he suggests that like the Holy Roman Empire, which was neither holy, nor Roman, or an empire, the so-called liberal international order is neither liberal, nor international, and it is hardly orderly. A key point here is that the rules that order is purportedly based on are very often not broadly agreed. Rather, they are made and then imposed on others by a small number of countries, who themselves only comply with these rules highly selectively or blatantly bend the rules when and as it suits them. Cases in point are abundant, be it on the WTO, the Paris Agreement, the ICC, and the broader UN. So much for the rules-based international order. Going forward, the choice for us is as clear as ever: mutual respect over arrogance, and cooperation rather than confrontation. There is simply no other way.

第三，中国致力于寻找中美两国正确相处之道的承诺没有变，也不会变。

Third, China’s commitment to finding the right way for China and the US to get along with each other has not changed and will not change.

不久前，习近平主席向美国当选总统特朗普致贺信，并在APEC领导人非正式会议期间同美国总统拜登举行会晤。正如习近平主席向拜登总统和当选总统特朗普所强调的，作为世界上两个最大经济体，中美合则两利、斗则俱伤。修昔底德陷阱不是历史的必然。试图遏制中国并压制其发展在道义上错误的，实效上也是徒劳的。新冷战不应打，也打不赢。其道理简单明了：如果爆发新冷战，中国和美国，甚至整个世界都会受到损害。

Recently, President Xi Jinping sent a congratulatory message to President-elect Donald Trump and met with President Joe Biden on the sidelines of the APEC summit in Lima. As was emphasized by President Xi with both President Biden and President-elect Trump, as the two biggest countries in the world, both China and the US stand to benefit from cooperation and to lose from confrontation. The Thucydides Trap does not have to be a historical inevitability. Attempts to contain China and suppress its development are both morally wrong and practically futile. A new cold war should not be fought and cannot be won. The rationale is clear and simple: In the event of a new cold war, both China and the US, and the entire world at that, will lose out.

中方致力于中美关系稳定、健康、可持续发展的目标没有变，按照相互尊重、和平共处、合作共赢处理中美关系的原则没有变。

As far as China is concerned, we seek to establish and maintain a stable, healthy, and sustainable relationship with the US, grounded in mutual respect, peaceful coexistence, and win-win cooperation.

习近平主席同时明确指出，中国坚定维护自身主权、安全、发展利益的立场没有变。台湾问题、民主人权、道路制度、发展权利是中方的4条红线，不容挑战。这些是中美关系及中国与其他所有国家关系的底线。底线突破了，再多的防护栏也无济于事。

President Xi also reaffirmed in explicit terms China’s determination to defend our core and fundamental interests, underscoring that the Taiwan question, democracy and human rights, China’s political system, and its right to development are four red lines that must not be challenged. These red lines constitute the floor for China-US relations and as a matter of fact, China’s relations with all other nations. If the bottom falls out, no amount of guardrails will hold.

中方对中美关系的态度是一贯的，从特朗普第一任期到拜登政府，再到特朗普第二任期乃至今后都是如此。在动荡和充满挑战的世界中，大国合作尤为重要。无论谁执政，中方都愿通过与美方加强对话沟通妥善管控分歧，拓展互利合作，以造福两国人民，并为世界作出贡献。

This represents the same, consistent approach we take towards our relationship with the US, during the first Trump Administration, through the Biden Administration, and going into the second Trump Presidency and beyond. In today’s turbulent and challenging world, cooperation among major powers is all the more essential. We stand ready as ever to work with the US side, both the current Biden Administration and the incoming Trump Administration, to strengthen dialogue and communication, manage properly the differences and expand mutually-beneficial cooperation, in the interest of our two peoples, and for the sake of the world.

中国一直怀着开放包容的心态寻求与所有国家开展友好合作，中国与其他国家的双边关系从不针对第三方，也不希望受第三方影响和制约。中国尊重其他国家之间发展关系、开展合作的权利，但在这一过程中，任何人都不应胁迫其他国家选边站队，也不应损害中国利益。否则，任何人都不应低估中国维护自身利益特别是核心利益的决心。

China seeks friendly cooperation with all other nations in an open and inclusive manner, without targeting any third party. Nor should our relationships with other countries be subjected to or influenced by third parties. While we respect the relationships and cooperation among other nations, we hold that no country should be forced to choose sides, and no countries should attempt to conduct their relationships at the expense of China. If that happens, no one should underestimate China’s firm resolve to defend its interests.

第四，不论国际形势和两国各自国内发生什么变化，中方致力于发展中新关系、造福两国人民的意愿和承诺没有变，也不会变。

Last but not least, regardless of how international or domestic circumstances evolve, China’s commitment to deepening its relationship with New Zealand for the benefit of both our peoples has not changed and will not change.

习近平主席前不久在利马会见拉克森总理时指出，中新之间没有历史恩怨纠葛和根本利益冲突。两国应将对方视为机遇和伙伴，而不是挑战或威胁。中方愿同新方一道，在相互尊重、彼此包容、聚焦合作、共同发展基础上开展中新友好互利合作。

During his meeting with Prime Minister Luxon in Lima, President Xi observed that there are no historical grievances or conflict of fundamental interests between China and New Zealand. The two countries should see each other as an opportunity and a partner, rather than a challenge or a threat. The President reaffirmed China’s commitment to working with New Zealand to build a bilateral relationship based on mutual respect, mutual accommodation, and focusing on cooperation for common development.

相互尊重，就是尊重彼此主权和领土完整，照顾彼此核心利益，互不干涉内部事务。中国从不干涉他国内政，也坚决反对别国干涉中国内政。台湾问题是中国核心利益中的核心，一个中国原则是中新两国关系的政治基础。切实恪守新方长期以来一再重申的一中承诺，是中新关系健康稳定发展的前提。

Mutual respect means that we should respect each other’s core interests, including sovereignty and territorial integrity, and refrain from interference in each other’s domestic affairs. Just as China does not interfere in the internal matters of other countries, we reject any attempt by others to interfere in ours. Again, the Taiwan question is central to China’s core interests and adherence to the One-China Principle constitutes the political foundation of China-New Zealand relations. Honoring the letter and spirit of the longstanding One-China commitment is essential to the healthy and stable development of our bilateral relationship.

彼此包容，就是正视差异而不让分歧定义双边关系。中新两国国情不同、发展阶段不同，历史文化、价值理念、社会制度有差异，因此在一些问题上的看法和做法会有所不同，这很自然。这些分歧一直存在，但它们并没有阻止我们建立起互尊互利的伙伴关系，并取得了创造多个“第一”的成就。同样，今后我们也应当以建设性和务实的方式处理分歧，不让它们阻碍两国关系的进一步发展。这很重要，因为有时关于这些差异的杂音可能会变得如此之大，甚至淹没了我们共同的利益。

Mutual accommodation means acknowledging the differences between us without allowing them to define the relationship. With distinct histories, cultures, values, and social systems, it is only natural that China and New Zealand sometimes see and do things differently. These differences have always been there, and they have not prevented us from building up our mutually respectful and mutually beneficial partnership, creating many firsts along the way. Equally, going forward, they should not be allowed to prevent our two countries from growing the relationship further, if we could manage them constructively in a practical manner. This is important, as sometimes, the noise around these differences grows so loud as to threaten to drown out our common interests. 

因此，我们应该聚焦合作，发挥两国经济高度互补的优势，加强人文交流，深化彼此互信，不断巩固双边关系的基础。

That is why we should prioritize and focus on mutually beneficial cooperation, to leverage the synergies between our highly complementary economies, to build on the strong people-to-people links, and to deepen the mutual understanding and mutual trust between the two countries, which lie at the very foundation of our relationship. 

在两国领导人的战略引领、双方人民的积极参与，以及自贸协定的加持下，中新双边贸易增长迅速，中国多年稳居新西兰最大贸易伙伴。随着两国继续发展，双方互利合作还有很大提升空间，尤其是在基础设施、商品与服务贸易、旅游、教育、科技创新和绿色发展等领域。正如习近平主席对拉克森总理所说的那样，中国愿意在所有这些领域成为新西兰的合作伙伴。

Powered by the triple engines of stewardship from our leaders, participation by our peoples and support from our bilateral FTA, our two-way trade has grown exponentially, making China by far the largest trading partner of New Zealand consistently for many years now. As both nations continue to grow, there is greater potential for collaboration, particularly in areas such as infrastructure, trade in both goods and services, tourism, education, technological innovation, and green development. As observed by President Xi to Prime Minister Luxon, China is willing to be a partner for New Zealand in all these areas.

在区域和全球层面，两国在坚持真正的多边主义、维护以联合国为核心的国际体系、以国际法为基础的国际秩序、以WTO为核心的多边贸易体制、促进区域经济一体化和世界经济全球化方面有很多共同利益。在当前充满不确定的环境下，两国共同利益不是减少了，而是更多了。

At the regional and global levels, our interests align on key issues such as upholding multilateralism, supporting a UN-centered international system, maintaining a functioning Multilateral Trading System and promoting regional and global trade liberalization and economic integration. With tectonic changes in our international environment, our shared interests in these and other areas will only increase. 

展望未来，中方愿继续致力于同新西兰携手稳步推进中新全面战略伙伴关系，弘扬“争先”精神。我们坚信，健康稳定发展的中新关系不仅符合两国人民的根本利益，也有助于地区和全球的和平、稳定与繁荣。

Looking ahead, China is committed to working with New Zealand to steadily advance our Comprehensive Strategic Partnership by carrying forward the spirit of “striving to be the first”. We firmly believe that a good and robust relationship between China and New Zealand not only serves the fundamental interests of both peoples, and also contributes to regional and global peace, stability and prosperity.

谢谢大家！

Thank you!